The Impact Of Operations Management Within The Aviation...

This essay will analyse and evaluate how operations management within the aviation industry helps to gain customers and allow airlines and airports to compete. The nature of operational management can be described as the administration business practices to create the highest level of efficiency possible. (Investopedia) The processes can be defined as the transformation of inputs, such as supplies, labour and resources into goods or services at minimum cost, thereby creating value. (Shim and Siegel) An example of the operational process can be reflected on how an aircraft is manufacture. By managing many small operations, they are able to transform those inputs by using a assembly line processes into larger outputs, which allows improvement in the design and configuration to provide customer satisfaction. The main purpose of operational management is fundamental to any organization as this is the core product around which the business evolves. Although in the aviation industry, there needs to be consider other players that interact with them directly and can affect decisions making such as: government, airport customer, alliances, suppliers , unions and competitors. (Abdelghany and Abdelghany) This can be reflected on what Holland-Kaye mention regarding the latest proposal for Heathrow’s plan, â€Å"the opportunity will be the outcome of the government’s decision on airport expansion†. (Fedor) And although it’s ensure that the expansion will increase Britain’s economic andShow MoreRelatedHow Aviation Industry Influenced By Information System Essay1215 Words   |  5 Pages AVIATION INDUSTRY How aviation industry influenced by information system? â€Æ' 1. History: Aviation industry evolved after the World war 3 almost at 1950. With the passage of time many advancement and changes occurred in this industry. But one of the most technical and informative changes that occurs in late nineties was the GPS and TCAS in the aircraft. At that time there was no much paper work in this industry to plan and integrate with others. But as the technology spread and new advancement becameRead MoreThe Southwest Orange Airport Authority1089 Words   |  5 PagesFounder of TAM aviation with extensive experience in aviation operation and management. Served as a management and regulatory consultant to AirTran Airways and JetBlue Airlines. Board member on the West Orange Airport Authority (WOAA) responsible for the construction and operations of a new General Aviation airport in western Orange county Florida. In his capacity as WOAA board member Phil was involved in the feasibility study, site selection study, and was instrumental in lobbying state and localRead Mo reQa Aviation Safety1204 Words   |  5 Pages Aviation Safety and Quality Assurance Despite having an enviable safety record, the aviation industry is under constant pressure to drive down accident rates. 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When discussing aviation investigation policies, ICAO Annex 13 of theRead MoreThe Cost Of Risk Management Aviation1391 Words   |  6 Pages The cost of Risk Management Aviation integrated framework expands on internal control providing a more robust and extensive focus on the broader subject of Aviation management. Both costs of risk management and financing involve promises to pay that need to be Collateralized, resulting in a financing versus cost risk management trade-off While it is not intended to and does not replace the internal control framework but rather incorporates the internal control framework within it, companies mayRead MoreThe Automation And Its Effects On The Environment784 Words   |  4 PagesIf the automation in use does not demand a certain level of interaction or has presented several failures of operation to the specific aviator in the past, the operator is prone to a more significant negative event occurring in the future. This is due to the reliance and t rust placed on the automation to complete the task as designed (Geiselman et al., 2013). Consistent with the model is the idea that the most likely scenario for complacency in the cockpit is prior to a very reliable system failingRead MoreThe Problem With Ageing Aircraft1411 Words   |  6 Pagesmajority of the party that are involved with it disagree[3]. With that said, it is observed that the problem with ageing aircraft starts as early as defining it. For example, according to the Federal aviation administration (FAA), ageing starts from 15 chronological years. On the contrary, the Civil Aviation Safety Authority (CASA) argues that ageing starts the day the aircraft leaves the factory[4]. Hence we observe that there is no single definition for ageing of an aircraft or a definition that

Out of This Furnace Free Essays

Out of this Furnace, by Thomas Bell, tells the story of a multigenerational family of Slovakian immigrants. This family of five generations came to American in the late nineteenth century in search of a better life. One of the first to arrive, Djuro Kracha, arrived in the New World in the middle of the 1880s. We will write a custom essay sample on Out of This Furnace or any similar topic only for you Order Now The novel starts off telling of his voyage from the â€Å"old country† and the labor he performed to accumulate enough money for his walk to Pennsylvania. He ventured on his journey to Pennsylvania in the search for a job in the steel mills. The story also tells of his rejection by the mainstream community as a â€Å"hunkey,† and the lives of his daughter and grandson. Soon enough though, the family becomes somewhat acculturate and even â€Å"Americanized,† and they soon become to resent the treatments they suffer. Their slow rise to business ownership was quickly ended by a series of events; a summer of Djuro’s drinking habit, Djuro’s return to his work in the steel mills, Mary’s marriage to a worker in the mills, and Djuro’s grandson’s disagreements with unfair labor prices. These events eventually intertwine with America’s transformation of the 1880’s to the 1940’s. During the 1880’s to the 1940’s, a wave of Eastern European immigrants grew in America, triggered by growing industries and advancing technology. This soon led to the establishment of steel mills, other factories, and plants which reshaped the American labor force. The experiences of Djuro and Mike, Mary’s husband, reflect a level of hostility towards Europeans from â€Å"mainstream† Americans and earlier. Without a doubt, the Kracha’s were negatively affected by stereotypes and attributions. However, the men and women who desired citizenship in the New World, Bell suggested only desired it to improve their lives and the futures of their families. Bell does not portray any immigrants who fail to accept the necessity of hard work. Therefore, Djuro’s minor episode of drunkenness shouldn’t take away from the years of efficient and effective work he completed to achieve his â€Å"American dream. † Another point Bell seemed to make clear was that Mike’s idealism was a consequence of his own desire to participant in that dream. The novel is set at a time when most people believed that the diverse ethnic groups entering the United States actually had a damaging effect on culture. Dobie Dobrejcak wanted to improve working conditions, treatments, economic prospects, and the lives of working men. His beliefs of possible social transformation actually confirmed the American Dream and the willingness of people to chase their dreams, even against great odds. The majority of immigrant groups that traveled to America went in search of freedom and economic opportunity. These immigrants, in all actuality, made huge contributions to the growth of the country. Westward expansion was made possible for workers, even today; immigrants work jobs that might have otherwise gone begging. Thomas Bell even argues that the Jews, Catholics, the Irish and the Slavs were the ones that made America’s achievements and progresses possible. Bell uses Mike and Mary’s lives to reference the Americans’ want and demand for immigrants during expansion, and to express how out of favor immigrants were during America’s recessions. As the 1920s came around, recession and depression made immigrant workers unpopular and unnecessary. This novel tremendously expresses the lives of immigrants like the Kracha’s and Dobrejcak’s and explains their want to achieve parity and equality. In the book, however, the term â€Å"American† did not change. The thing that truly changed was the determination to work against forces trying to prevent the family from entering the mainstream society. To truly understand the â€Å"American Experience† an immigrant had to realize that it was not a classical experience. It is known that early colonists and new immigrants coming to the United States had the same dreams and values. To them, the New World represented land opportunity, freedom of religion, the ability to overcome an aristocratic Old World, and the freedom to develop one’s own wishes. The topic of immigration in America has always sparked massive controversy. Some people believed anyone had the right to move from country to country as they pleased. Others thought the immigrant population actually benefitted the country by facilitating economic growth, development, and prosperity. The Americans against immigration mainly focused on the differences of new cultural groups. Mostly though, the Native American party argued that the country was about to receive a threat due to the massive increase in the â€Å"body of residents of foreign birth, imbued with foreign feelings, and of ignorant and immoral character who receive the elective franchise and the right of eligibility to political offices. † Others thought that new immigrants hurt American society because of their lack of education, their impoverishment, lack of skill and their Catholic and Jewish religions. Early opposition to specific immigrants was focused on any groups perceived as inferior to the Anglo-Saxon stock. Disagreements on immigration focused mainly on the immigrant’s lack of adaptability based on different ethnic groups. The views of non-immigrants were that; foreigners lower the intelligence, efficiency, and orderliness plane, they increased alcoholism, crime, and immorality, the barriers of speech, education, and religious faith cause divisions, and that immigrants add to the number of poor people, tend to be illiterate, and cause overpopulation. Early settlers of the United States were a mixture of whites, Anglo- Saxons, and immigrants. Every ethnic group that has come into the United States has helped shape the American dream and shared that experience, rather happily or not. A major shaping of our economic system resulted from the influence of immigration that helped bring dramatic changes in our population census. The United States of America can mean a variety of different things to several different people. The core of the â€Å"American dream† is without a doubt, freedom and equality. However, this nation was founded on republican principles of justice for all, friendship with all nations, and alliances with none. Since then, these principles have undergone several changes. For example, today the United States has many â€Å"alliances† that influence its domestic and foreign policies. Nevertheless, â€Å"justice for all† remains intact and continuously attracts new immigrants each year, while trying to determine what really constitutes â€Å"justice and equality. † How to cite Out of This Furnace, Essay examples

Helps In Building Goodwill In The Market †Myassignmenthelp.Com

Question: Discuss About The Helps In Building Goodwill In The Market? Answer: Introduction Trademark is a mark or sign which helps in distinguishing a specific product or service from another product or service (Bently Sherman, 2014). The trademark can consist of letters, words, designs, pictures or symbols. It can also be a combination of any two factors or all the factors. Trademark has become an important part in the modern business world as it has become important that a specific product can be differentiated from another product. The goodwill of a business or its product also depends on the trademark it is using (Corones, 2014). When a certain trademark gains importance in the market, people start to recognize the product through its distinguishing feature. Therefore, trademark is a way of identifying a product or service of a specific company. A trademark is a way of distinguishing a brand or its product. A trademark becomes well known due to its constant use and quality. A well known trademark is preferred by customers. Intellectual Property is the wider concept of which Trademark forms a part. The other parts which come under Intellectual Property include Patents, Copyright, Trade Secrets and others. Coming to Australia it has a properly developed legal system. The legal system is concrete enough to safeguard the property of businessmen and other individuals. Trademarks can be registered for businesses as a marketing scheme. Once a trademark is registered then the property of the said person is legally protected. Other people are prevented from using their brand. Safeguarding of property and the brand is very important because without that some person might steal the brand and make it their own. Following trademark protection, patent protection is also very important. In Australia patent protection exists so that no third party intervention is possible. This means that if a person has patent rights then no third party has the right to use, sell or manufacture the product. Thus it can be seen that both trademarks and patents are important when it comes to safeguarding any property.; Discussion This start up business has applied the above diagram to be registered as trademark for the business related activities and its products. This business deals in agriculture and mining sector. The main targets of this innovative enterprise are the companies and businesses which work in mining sector (Davis, 2012). It aims to provide new and innovative products which can be used for better mining. The Mining companies often during the heap leaching cycle face with the problem of presence of solid particles or pollutants in the reused water which in turn results into clogging. Such problem arises when the mining firms try to extract the gold and copper from their respective mines (Drahos, 2016). The water creates a problem during the process of mining as it flows through the same dipper twice in the cycle. Here the start up firm FLNN- Solution to Irrigation will help in providing the products which will eliminate or reduce this problem. The start-up firm will try supply the product which will help in maintaining a uniform coverage and high functionality. This can be achieved if the supplied product ensures that the solid particles or pollutants are self-flushed out in the filtration area during the heap leaching cycle (Fromer, 2012). As a result high metal will be recovered by the mining factories. This solution will help the company to earn more metal with less cost and problems and more profit. While choosing or designing a trademark for a product certain factors have to be kept in mind. First of all, the trademark should be innovative and not in everyday use. A used trademark cannot be applied for registration. The future use of a previously used trademark by another company will confuse people and also it will be held as illegal. Secondly, trademark should be designed in such a way that it contains uniqueness. It can consist of marks, letters, words or symbols or combination of all (Hattie, 2014). The present diagram shown above is such an example. It is a combination of letters, words, symbols and design. This diagram is a combination of all. It has not been previously used and so it can be applied for registration. Thirdly, the trademark should be designed in such a manner that it can show its purpose or what is it representing (Marsoof, 2013). The above diagrams background shows symbols and picture of factories and smoke rising from the chimneys which represents the mi ning factories and companies. The diagram also contains a picture of world which represents the fact that the company provides solutions worldwide. The word FLYNN is an innovative and new one and has not been used previously to denote any company or mining factory. The combination of words Solution to Irrigation shows that the company or firm deals with the problems in irrigation sector and provide solutions thereof. It can therefore be concluded that the above shown diagram is appropriate and can be applied for registration. As already mentioned above the trademark is a mark or sign used to distinguish product or service of one person or company from the products or services rendered by another person or company in course of business or trade (Trappey Trappey, 2015). A trademark can be of various types, such as certification marks, collective marks, service marks, word marks, device marks, well known marks, unconventional marks consisting of series of trademarks, sound marks, color marks, movement marks, shape marks, combination marks, etc. Certification trademark deals with the certificate given to a trader for its product to signify that the product has succeeded in meeting its prescribed standards of quality and safety. In collective tradem ark a group of companies safeguard their product by choosing a specific trademark jointly to denote represent their group of companies and products. In service trademark the services rendered by a person or firm are set apart from the services offered by another person or firm. The people here can choose the services of a particular firm. In word trademark the mark can consist of either word or numbers or a combination of both. In device marks the device is represented by its distinguishing feature and uniqueness. Well known marks are used when it is widely perceived and recognized by a large number of people. A well known mark is greater protected because of its well known use by a large population of people. Unconventional marks are those marks which are distinguished or represented by its color or shape or sound or any such other feature which will be unique and distinctive. The innovative product that is to be supplied to the mining factories can be registered either under the d evice marks, certification marks or unconventional trademark. The certification mark will be more preferred compared to others as this mark will show that the products of the firm are certified to be safe in its quality. The products if certified to be safe and has met its standards then such product will be more marketable. People are more prone towards buying things which are of quality and safe to use. In Australia, the Government has a specific and separate agency or department to look into the matters dealing with intellectual property. The Trademark Act is governed by IP Australia, a governmental agency under the Department of Industry, Tourism and Resources. To register a mark as trademark in Australia, the firm or the trader or the manufacturer has to fill up an application form and submit the completed form to the IP Australia. Such submitted form will be checked by the examiner of trademarks. The examination usually takes three to four months to complete. The examiner will verify few things, such as whether the mark has been previously registered or not, whether the mark is well known and use by another person or not, whether the form has the complete details regarding the mark and nature of business. He will check whether all the prescribed formalities have been complied with or not. It is the duty of the examiner to point out the errors, if any, in the application form. The successful mark then will be published in the Australian Official Journal of Trademarks. This is an official publication by the IP Australia which lays down the rules for application, examination and registration of trademarks (Waelde et al., 2013). After the mar ks with its details are published in the Australian Official Journal of Trademarks, three months time will be given for opposing the mark. Any third party can oppose the mark provided he has valid reasons to do so. The applicant will be given an opportunity of being heard if such mark is opposed by another person. Thereafter, if there is no opposition against the mark or the oppositions made are found to be not reasonable then a certificate of registration will be issued. Generally, the term of the registration is ten years. After the expiry of the term, the mark can be renewed for another ten years. However, a trademark can be removed on the ground of non-use or inactive for a long period of time. Sometimes, however, it might happen that an application form has been rejected (Waelde et al., 2013). There are various grounds for such rejection, such as incomplete form, lack of details regarding the product or mark, all the formalities has not been complied with, fee has not been subm itted properly, goods or services has been specified under the wrong class or section, etc. In such cases where the form does not meet all the prescribed criteria and formalities, the examiner will send a report to the applicant pointing out the errors and explaining the problems in the application. The report will also state the examiners reasons for rejecting the application and also the solution to rectify such errors. The applicant can then again submit the application rectifying all the errors. The form will then again be considered for registration. This time, if the form is successful in complying will all the formalities, then the mark with all its details will be published and be considered for registration. A registered trademark is recognized as valid in eyes of law and legal procedures can be initiated if such mark is infringed. Conclusion Thus from the above discussion it can be seen how trademark as part of Intellectual Property plays a huge role whenever it comes to building up any enterprise. In this case study the whole focus was on how Intellectual Property Law would apply when it came to a start up regarding irrigation. Reference List: Bently, L., Sherman, B. (2014). Intellectual property law. Oxford University Press, USA. Corones, S. G. (2014). Competition law in Australia. Thomson Reuters Australia, Limited. Davis, J. (2012). Intellectual Property Law Core Text. Oxford university press. Drahos, P. (2016). A philosophy of intellectual property. Routledge. Fromer, J. C. (2012). Expressive Incentives in Intellectual Property. Virginia Law Review, 1745-1824. Hattie, J. (2014). Self-concept. Psychology Press. Marsoof, A. (2013). Online service providers and third party trademark infringement: an Australian perspective. International Journal of Law and Information Technology, 22(2), 75-106. Trappey, C. V., Trappey, A. J. (2015). Collective intelligence applied to legal e-discovery: A ten-year case study of Australia franchise and trademark litigation. Advanced Engineering Informatics, 29(4), 787-798. Waelde, C., Laurie, G., Brown, A., Cornwell, J., Kheria, S. (2013). Contemporary intellectual property: Law and policy. Oxford University Press. Waelde, C., Laurie, G., Brown, A., Cornwell, J., Kheria, S. (2013). Contemporary intellectual property: Law and policy. Oxford University Press.

We should encourage our customers to complain! free essay sample

Explain what this statement means, how it should be applied, why it should be applied and why a policy of encouraging customer complaints would benefit your organisation, or indeed, any other organisation. It means the organisations puts a high important on satisfying their current and potential customers. Their main goal or objective is to ensure their customers are 100% satisfied with the service package provided to them The first reaction to customer complaint is a negative one. No matter how much youve tried, some of them will not be satisfied. But you should try and see customer complaints in a positive light. Complaining customer are customers who care about getting better service. They want to keep working with you. Therefore, instead of seeing complaints as a disappointment to yourself or your business, try and see them as valuable feed-back. If they dont complain to you, theyll complain to others And thats a big problem. We will write a custom essay sample on We should encourage our customers to complain! or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Not only will you lose them as customers, you will lose others as well. According to the 2005 TARP study, an unhappy customer will share his displeasure with at least another dozen people. So instead of losing one customer, youll actually stand to lose 13. Thats a situation you must avoid at all costs. The customer who complains is a customer who cares – In other words, youre losing a good customer. The kind of customer who will stick by you and possibly bring others. Think of it this way. To complain takes time. Most dissatisfied customers say absolutely nothing and take their business elsewhere. Complaining customers will take that time to tell you whats wrong. This is something that should be appreciated at just value. They will tell you about the bad things you missed – The outside eye sees things clearer than you’re inside eye. Customers are also very precise and theyll help you get straight to the root of the problem. They can become your most loyal customers – These customers will afterward stick by you because you showed you care about their opinions, and then endeavoured to give them the best service available. The conclusion is that a complaint isnt in fact a complaint at all. Its actually priceless advice. Methods of getting that advice; Ask for complains – Its the easiest and the simplest way possible. Your customers will know you care about serving them better and thats an extra benefit right there. You should even aim to getting a regular stream of complains. Make it easy for your customers to contact you – Its excellent if you can afford a special phone line for complains, but if you cant a regular line will do. Get an email address, and this one you can keep for complains only. No matter what contact method you use, include that information in all your marketing guarantees as well as on your website. Make sure all your customers know how, where and to whom to complain. Make a habit out of asking for feed-back – Ten days or so after youve concluded a deal, give them a phone call, or send an email. After thanking them for doing business with you, ask them if they have any complaints and suggestions. Be sure to let them know they wont encounter the same problems again. Include a complaint and suggestion form for every product – Its extremely easy to give each client a short form to fill in after youve finished doing business. Written complains and surveys can be vague and you will miss out on important information. You can even implement a reward system for complaining Reward customers for complaining. Remember, complaining customers are doing you a favour. Theyre taking the time to think of you and your business. Theyre helping you. So show your appreciation with a nice gift, coupon or anything else that might motivate them. Big companies pay serious money for a service youre getting for free.

The effect of divorce on a person after long marriage

The effect of divorce on a person after long marriage Introduction Divorce is the act of terminating a marital union between parties and as a result, relieving them their legal duties and responsibilities. Divorce has many different implications that always depend on the type of marriage that bound the parties. For an initially monogamous family, the implication is that each former party is free and may marry another. Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on The effect of divorce on a person after long marriage specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Where people practice polygamy, the divorced woman may have another husband, while in an originally polygynous family; the divorce gives the woman a leeway to marry another man. Only the laws of the land, which govern marriage, can determine the legality of divorce in any society. Imagine of a country like Malta or Philippines where authorities do not allow divorce; in such countries, divorce is illegal and thus punishable in the court of law. In cases where divorce is legal, for example in most European countries, many laws exist to govern its execution. First, the party instigating the divorce needs to prove fault from his/her partner resulting in a break of their marriage ties. If the court accents to the proof put forward by the complainant, the jury, guided by the law, lays down a framework that governs sharing of property. Regardless of the type of marriage, which bound the divorced parties, the victims experience diverse effects, which may be positive, negative, or a combination of these. This essay focuses on these effects as far as parents, children, and the society are concerned. Emotional effects The act of a man and a woman separating has varied effects on their psychological health. First, the abandoned party ponders about his/her next move. If the sharing of property accompanies the divorce, the most affected party suffers emotionally because of uncertainties about their future. On their par t, children of the divorced parties may find it difficult choosing on whether to follow their father or mother, while other parents may abandon both their partner and their children during the divorce (Brinig Douglas, 2000, p.127). This may make the children become social misfits if their colleagues mock them about their family’s situation. In a divorce case where the only breadwinner, usually the man, abandons the other party together with their children, the abandoned party may have difficulties providing for the family. The fear of the harsh realities, which accompany divorce, sets in and this makes them susceptible to stress, which may advance to depression. Depression has many long-term negative effects to the sufferer’s emotional as well as physical health. These may include delusions, anger flare-ups, and other mental disorders.Advertising Looking for research paper on psychology? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF L earn More Divorce may also have a positive effect on the party advocating for it. This is very true but does not apply to all cases. Brinig and Douglas (2000) observe that, â€Å"if the cause of the divorce is unfaithfulness in marriage, the complainant, who may have been undergoing stress all along, may find divorce being a source of relieve† (p.127). This is because he/she no longer worries about the effects of sharing a partner. Social effects The social effects touch on relationship that the affected parties develop towards the larger community surrounding them as well as the reverse. In a case of a man who divorces his wife and the wider community knows about this, â€Å"he may have difficulties coping with others more so those who believe that the divorce is a wrongful act† (Rapoport, 2005, p.5). Close friends may also avoid him on ethical grounds while some of his family members may change their attitudes towards him. Friends and relatives may distance themselves from him or avoid anything associated with him. As a result, he may withdraw from the wider society making his contribution to societal issues to become nil, an action that will cause degradation to the society. A woman in the same condition also experiences more if not equal negative effect as her male counterpart since women are generally dependent on men. In communities where people consider a divorced woman as an outcast, her family may refuse admitting her back to the family, because doing so would tarnish the family name. If by sheer luck, the family members admit her back, many people who may be her peers, equally avoid her for fear of the wider community associating them with her. The woman therefore, considered as a failure, feels alienated and as a result withdraws from the wider community. Her services to the community slowly fade and the society loses its key players without anyone noticing. Children also experience social effects. The root causes and eventua l effect of divorce may create an indelible impression in the minds of children. These children carry the memories to their adulthood resulting in violent behaviors. Phillips warns that the children may also grow up hating other men if their minds keep in memory the violent nature of their father that led to the divorce (1991, p.18). The children may grow to become robbers, drug abusers, or even murderers. Imagine of a society full of individuals with this characters! The potential result is obvious. For school going children who hail from single parent families that result from divorce, social life at school may not be easy. Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on The effect of divorce on a person after long marriage specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More At times, during arguments with fellow students, oblivious of the negative social impact of divorce may make fun of their family situation. The affected child then f inds it difficult coping with fellow students and this may badly affect his/her social life as well as academic performance. Divorce may also affect parent to child relationship. The affected child may withdraw socially from his/her parents making them lose confidence in the parents. In a case where divorce marks the end of daily arguments or even fights between their parents, some children may find it to be a relief. This is because the scary violent scenes they may have been seeing all along between their parents would have been a forgotten case; however, this rare situation is true only if the children are able to readjust easily and overcome other effects of the divorce. Financial Effects In any divorce case that leads to separation of husband and wife, there is need for the sharing of property owned by the family. The way the parties share the property has significant bearing on the financial status of both husband and wife. According to Luscombe, a man who was the breadwinner until the time of divorce may experience a positive change in his financial status after the divorce (2010, p.12A). This is because all the funds he used to spend on his wife before separation is now wholly available for only his use. On the other hand, the woman who may have been a complete dependant of her partner has trouble as far as her financial status is concerned. This is because she can no longer live the life she used to live. She has no access to free financial assistance her husband used to give her. However, in countries where strict laws that govern divorce exist for example in the United States, Rapoport observes, â€Å"the moment of divorce becomes an opportunity for the less affluent party to make easy wealth† (2005, p. 6). The law requires that the two parties share their wealth equally regardless of the proportions each party contributed. The less affluent party makes more finances than she/he could have made on her/his own while the more affluent party shares his/her wealth against his/her wishes. This explains why in most divorces involving rich families, the less affluent party files the case.Advertising Looking for research paper on psychology? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Some couples under normal circumstances decide to pool their finances in order to get the benefits such as lower tax rates (if one partner greatly surpasses the other in earnings), higher common purchasing power, and assured financial stability. During divorce, this financial status changes since physical separation means that, each party controls his/her own earnings. The changes in financial status of parents always affect the children. Children who have been learning in high profile schools may be withdrawn and taken to low profile ones. This may affect their academic performance and further low self-esteem if they do not understand the reason behind their withdrawal. Health effects Health matters are also a major issue of concern during divorce. The stress an individual undergoes during divorce greatly affects his/her health. Take for instance, a case where the male counterpart is the breadwinner; after divorce, it is obvious that he will not be supporting his wife. Consequentl y, the woman may be mentally disturbed as she devises means and ways of making ends meet. If the efforts she makes prove futile, the stress levels advance. This may further result in negative behavioral effects like refusal to eat. Her health eventually deteriorates resulting in a weak body susceptible to illnesses. Children too, may be victims of negative health effects of divorce. Amato (1993) argues that, it is common knowledge that children need a lot of energy since most of their time is playtime (p.59). When under stress because of the fears that will accompany their parents’ separation, they equally lose appetite even on their favorite foods. The result is that they will have energy-deficient bodies with high susceptibility to diseases. Though not so significant, it is also worth to mention that stress causes deterioration of the condition of the mouth. The mouth of an individual affected by stress emits an odour that results from bacterial activity in the mouth. Th is comes about because of the long periods of stress during which the stressed individual keeps his/her mouth shut. Stress can also have positive effects on an individual’s health. Take for example where a woman is depressed because her husband beats her up every day, quarrels her and denies her food. It is obvious that such a woman is not happy under those circumstances and her health is in a bad state. A divorce would give her a better life, free from unjustified beatings, denial of food and frequent quarrels. As a result, her mental and physical health will undergo positive change that will make her a better person than she was before the divorce. The same case applies to children who are able to overcome the negative effects of divorce by their parents and adjust to a stress free life that would assure them better mental and physical health. Although this may seem impossible, the presence of individuals to guide these children and give them psychological and moral suppo rt will make it an obvious possibility. Societal effects Unlike in the past where divorce was a taboo, modern society laws that govern it have made it a frequent occurrence. In the past, succeeding in getting a divorce would require that the complainant prove infidelity from his/her partner. In the modern society however, this is not the case. The law allows an individual to ask for a divorce just at will, meaning that if someone woke up one morning with a plan to divorce his/her partner, they would be certain to succeed since it does not require any prove of infidelity (Phillips, 1991, p. 73). This has made divorce so rampant that people, including small children, have considered it as part of their lives. Be it in the court, the media or different homesteads, the individuals do not consider it as a big deal but just an option when things between couples do not seem to be all right. This increased rate of divorce has resulted in widespread emotional instability, juvenile delinque ncy, and crime in society. Divorce has resulted in poor child development and single parent families, which cause societal deterioration. Taking an example of the American society where divorce is so rampant, Spratling cautions that â€Å"young lovers do not take time to know each other but go ahead to marry, oblivious of the challenges ahead† (2009, p.19). When a time comes that each other’s true character traits are emerging, the couple easily terminates the marriage through divorce. This has caused widespread single parent families in which children develop flawed characters owing to the fact that only one parent molds their character and their childhood to their present age. This is especially so in single parent families involving only the mother. This in turn has caused widespread deterioration of the society in contemporary times. Finally, withdrawal of stressed victims of divorce affects the overall economic state of the society. Consider an individual whom, through participation in matters that benefit the society contribute towards its growth. If this individual withdraws from societal affairs because of alienation, the society would miss his /her services, and this would result in gradual degradation of the society, however small his/her contribution is. Conclusion Divorce unlike in the past where one had to prove fidelity to get it, is a common occurrence in the modern society. The nature of the law in the modern society is such that it allows couples to divorce at any time of their wish without the need prove fidelity. This has led to many negative and few positive effects on the society; ever-increasing divorce rates and destructive activities associated with victims of divorce for example drug abuse; robbery and violence. It is also vivid that the effects of divorce on the parents, children, and society from all dimensions of life are quite undesirable and unwelcome in a society with conscious minded people. Therefore, it is hi gh time that individuals and concerned organizations made efforts aimed at preserving the sanctity of marriage because if they left the ever-increasing rates of divorce to chance, the society would undergo a major deterioration. References Amato, P. (1993). â€Å"Childrens adjustment to divorce: Theories, hypotheses, and Empirical support.† Journal of Marriage and the Family, 55, 54-68. Brinig, M., Douglas, W. (2000). These Boots Are Made for Walking: Why Most Divorce Filers are Women. American Law and Economics Review, 2(1): 126-129. Luscombe, B. (2010). Divorcing by the Numbers. New York Times, pp. 12A. Phillips, R. (1991). Untying the knot: a short history of divorce. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Print. Rapoport, Y. (2005). Marriage, Money and Divorce in Medieval Islamic Society. USA Cambridge University Press. Spratling, C. (2009). Blended families can overcome daunting odds. Burlington, Vermont: Burlington Free Press.

Terms for the Seasons of the Year

Terms for the Seasons of the Year Terms for the Seasons of the Year Terms for the Seasons of the Year By Mark Nichol Words for the seasons and related terms often have both literal and figurative connotations. Here are the words and their various senses. Spring (from the Old English word springan, akin to the same word in Old High German, which means â€Å"to jump†) has a sense of freshness and growth. The word is sometimes used to refer to a sociopolitical movement for greater freedom and tolerance, as in phrases like â€Å"Prague Spring† and, more recently, â€Å"Arab Spring.† Spring itself, in these senses, has no direct adjectival form besides springlike; springy refers to the word’s sense of movement. However, vernal (from the Latin word ver, meaning â€Å"spring†) is suitable for references to anything pertaining to the spring, or anything fresh, new, or youthful. In a practical sense, it often refers to phenomena unique to springtime, such as a vernal pool, a body of water that dries up as summer encroaches on spring. Summer (from the Old English word somer) has associations with thriving and mature growth, and it is also a poetic synonym for years in references to one’s age (for example, â€Å"in my tenth summer,† â€Å"a boy of fifteen summers†). Summery is a prosaic descriptor term describing qualities associated with summer. Estival (from Latin aestivus, meaning â€Å"of summer†) also means â€Å"pertaining to summer†; estivation is the summertime equivalent of hibernation, or sojourning at one location all summer. Autumn (ultimately from the Latin word autumnus), interchangeable in literal meaning with fall, has a figurative sense pertaining to full maturity or the onset of decline, as does the adjective autumnal. Winter has associations with decay and inactivity, and wintry, besides its literal sense, refers to being weathered as a result of winter weather or as if by such conditions, or to being aged; it also suggests a cold attitude or response. Solstice (ultimately from the Latin word solstitium, meaning, literally â€Å"sun standing†) and equinox (from the Latin term aequinoctium, a combination of the terms for â€Å"equal† and â€Å"night†) refer to the times of the year when, respectively, daylight is shortest and day and night are of equal length. The adjective equinoctial (or equinoctal) refers literally to the first day of spring and fall and has no established figurative meaning. (The first variant is also used as a noun synonymous with equator or referring to a storm during the equinoctial period.) There is no adjectival form of solstice, which corresponds to the onset of summer and winter. Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Vocabulary category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:12 Greek Words You Should KnowUsing the Active Voice to Strengthen Your Writing10 Humorous, Derisive, or Slang Synonyms for â€Å"Leader† or â€Å"Official†

Automobile Workers vs Johnson Controls Inc Case Study

Automobile Workers vs Johnson Controls Inc - Case Study Example Eight employees of a battery manufacturing company who were pregnant exhibited increased lead quantities in their blood – more than what OSHA approves to be a considerable amount (Rehnquist, Kennedy, & Scalia, 1991). The company later barred all women from working in lead related departments except those who could not have children, though after passing clinical tests to ascertain their conditions. This prompted a group of employees to file a case in the District Court. They argued that the policy discriminated against the female gender and violated Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Rehnquist et al., 1991). The District Court and the Court of Appeal granted the respondents a summary judgment on grounds that their fetal protection policy is reasonably necessary to further the industrial safety concern. The petitioners claimed that excluding fertile women from lead-exposed jobs, the respondent's policy creates a facial grouping based on gender besides marginalizing them under 703(a) of Title VII (Rehnquist et al., 1991). They claimed the policy is not neutral because it does not apply to males despite evidence that lead exposure poses great harm to their reproductive system. They cited that provided that the fertile women performed their duties as expected, the company has no right to segregate them. However, the respondents argue that they are concerned about the other coming generation’s status regardless of the law exclusively being for the parents (Rehnquist et al., 1991). Ethical Issues Is the company in line with professional work ethics and fair gender opportunities law by passing the policy discriminating fertile and infertile women from working in the lead related departments? No, the company does not satisfy its expected moral and ethical standards as required in the society by passing a policy that stigmatizes the female gender. Additionally, it also violates Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that protects all genders fro m discrimination. By so doing, the company would be creating a facial categorization that utilizes gender to segregate women (Rehnquist et al., 1991). The policy is not neutral and fair to both genders and how lead affects them either. According to the company, lead affects only the female gender despite concrete evidence that it poses adverse effects on the male reproductive organs. The law also cites that unless the pregnant employees differ from others in their expertise, they must all get both equal treatment and opportunities (Rehnquist et al., 1991). In addition, legislative history and case law bar an employer from discriminating against pregnant women or their pregnancy capacity unless their condition prevents them from performing the expected duties. The employees’ fetuses are neither customers nor employees whose safety is a concern of the company’s management (Rehnquist et al., 1991). In this context, the respondents should get rid of their policy as the fem ale fertile employees participate in manufacturing lead batteries similar to other peers. Alternatives Would getting rid of the policy of the company not tarnish the company’s image and still keep the fertile female employees’ comfortable working for the company? Yes, this move by the company would motivate fertile females in the company besides prompting them to work more comfortably and harder than before. This would also be a means of enhancing good publicity of the company in the society because the policy adheres to the female discriminatory law, which contradicts with business ethics (Rehnquist et al., 1991). However, by taking this move, the company would be putting the fetus, the fertile mothers and their future families at great risks. This is because lead exposure to fertile women

Strategic delivery of change Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Strategic delivery of change - Essay Example Change management process can be defined as an approach undertaken for transitioning organizations, individuals or teams so as to achieve the desired state in the future. This report deals with two different forms of approaches that can be incorporated so as to deliver strategic change in the organizational system. The problem identified in relation to the case of British Petroleum was accusation at the top management in terms of taking an active role so as to manage aftermath of the disaster of Deepwater Horizon. The major problem was that the organization followed a top down approach and as a result the disaster that could have been prevented by taking feedback from the person in charge of the project and the other workforce was not incorporated in the system. This in turn had resulted into that explosion and triggered a change throughout the organization so that innovative ideas and opinions can be incorporated by the organization for future growth and success. The other problem a rea was that the organization did not maintain transparency as well as proper communication channels with all the employees and neither with the public in relation to conveying the factors that led to the disaster and the initiatives that is taken by the top management so as to restrict such disasters in the future and align their operations towards being eco-friendly in nature. The report would aim at designing the approach that would communicate the change that is needed in the organization to every level and all the departments so as to ensure proper implementation of the change. Storytelling is one of the most dynamic approaches that are incorporated by many companies so as to illuminate needs for change and then generate response or actions. Storytelling approach at all its levels conveys the message to the employees on how they need

Life Style Inventory Essay Example for Free

Life Style Inventory Essay As I look at my results from the Life Style Inventory my primary thinking style that I scored the highest in was the affiliative style at 83%. As I looked deeper at this style it fit me to a tee. I have always been warm and sincere because I always try to see the best in other people. My interpersonal relations with peers and subordinates alike have allowed me to be trusted and liked by others. This has helped me to be both diplomatic and tactful in my decisions as a manager. My genuine concern for people and ability to accept change easily has placed me in a leadership position many times just because I am able to listen and feel that people are more important than things. Next we will be looking at my backup personal thinking style and I had a two way tie between Self- Actualization and Humanistic- Encouraging at 75%. In the Humanistic-Encouragement thinking style I love to teach and enjoy sharing knowledge with others. I am very supportive of others and encourage others to strive for excellence and to think for themselves. As a good listener I am supportive of others and always willing to take time with people. Now with Self-Actualization I am a creative thinker and can communicate easily and very aware of my own feelings. I tend to be optimistic and realistic with my judgments and I have a high level of personal integrity. As I look at these three thinking styles I completely agree with them as my strengths. I have always been the equalizer and the manager called upon to best deal with conflict. I value my employees, focus upon perceptions, and know their needs. Honor and Integrity direct my morale fiber and I hold respect as being the most important element that people need in their lives. These styles are all important for training and developing a strong working team and have made me valued as a good leader and well thought of by my peers. When I at look at any of these thinking styles that may be limiting me I would have to turn towards Approval. I feel that I can be overly trusting too fast and too agreeable with others opinions. Whether you are overly seeking approval or accepting others values too much this style can work against you and be called being too generous to a fault. I feel that I would like to have better control upon being overly sympathetic with people. I have the ability to give people too many chances to improve or correct their behavior when in all actuality it would have been better to have cut our losses after the first counseling session failed. Giving an employee a fair chance is fine but when I go too far it can appear like favoritism or special treatment. If the employees know that you are overly sympathetic they will also play to this weakness to get out of the hot seat. The team likes you and shows approval on the surface but really they do not respect you and view you as a push over. I sometimes fight this behavior because there is a fine line between the perception of not caring and being not sympathetic enough and being overly sympathetic to a fault. I always know that you cannot please everyone as a good leader and some may even oppose you, but if upper management sees you as being too soft and overly sympathetic then you are not taking care of the business. Impact on Management Style: Planning When I think of my primary and back up styles of thinking I can see the affiliative style having me motivate my team through using praise and friendliness. This can help me in the planning phase by getting valuable input from my team through building trust and meaningful relationships that are reciprocated. This helps us to feel like a team and make informed decisions from data collected by our team and helps us to build a sound plan of action. Through self-actualization I would use my sound judgment and optimistic and realistic nature to set solid goals. When making company plans my humanistic-encouragement style would have me utilize my knowledge of the company’s needs and the teams needs to make good plans. Being a good listener also makes planning a lot easier. Organizing With my ability to develop and teach others and listening to my team while easily adapting to change I am able to better organize my team by setting SMART goals and using my communication skills to keep my team well informed. By thinking outside of the box and using my creative and original thinking skills I will be able to keep all of my team on the same page with our eye on the target of success. Leading My primary and backup styles give me an excellent leadership skillset in that I listen and set own goals, but I also understand how people feel and make sound judgments. My genuine concern for others and communication skills not only give me great leadership skills but my ability to use my intuition to read people allows for proactive decisions to be made. Perhaps it is my ability to be diplomatic and tactful and see the best in others that allows for me to be respected and well thought of as a leader. Controlling Some people use intimidation and threats to control their team but giving them respect and a sense of ownership of their job allows my coaching and development style to allow peer pressure to control our team. The ability to set common goals and encourage our team to think for themselves, gives ownership and control through respect, honor, and integrity. Never asking my team to do what I am not willing to do myself and giving them the resources and tools needed to be successful keeps the respect and lines of communication open. Genesis of Personal Style: If I was to critically evaluate what has contributed the most to my personal styles it would have to be my family and growing up in the restaurant business. Always being in the public eye and dealing with guests face to face gave me a comfort at an early age of being in front of people and taking the time to listen and enjoy people. I was in the entertainment business and learned how to set goals and run a business by watching the controllable costs and giving quality service so that our guests would return. I developed understanding, humility, confidence, and personal integrity from my family. Growing up in my community and having great friends and families really made a big difference with being sincere, warm, and open. It was sports and Boy Scouts that offered discipline, commitment, and goals to my life. From my relationships built in high school and the Navy to the relationships built in business I continue to learn and strive to improve my styles to compliment my ability to lea d. Conclusion and Reflection: As I look at my Constructive skills I see how my developments of Affiliative, Humanistic-Encouragement, and Self-Actualization styles have all contributed to my ability to be a good leader. My intuitive ability to read behavior and develop teams is second nature to me and my ability to listen and be real to my team has earned me their respect. Now my Passive and Defensive styles show me that dependent and conventional may be an area to watch out for but I felt that approval was the area that concerned me the most. Specifically it may be too easy to become overly sympathetic and this could lead to being overly generous to a fault. Looking at my Aggressive and Defensive Styles I look at oppositional and competitive styles and giving me the ability to question everything and always inspect everything before making a decision, be the best at what we do, and set the benchmark of our industry. I feel that the LSI shows us our strengths and opportunities and while we are always striving to improve our behaviors we must look at our beliefs in why we find our behavior acceptable and seek to make changes here, because in order to improve one’s behavior we must change our beliefs first. I feel that I would like to improve upon being less sympathetic and watch my procrastination by setting clear boundaries a staying to the specific rules. It is important for me not to put things off for tomorrow if I can do it today. I also would like to not get overly involved in team members personal issues that are affecting their work. This exercise helped me to look closely at how other styles can overshadow the positives of other styles and be counterproductive. This has helped me because as I see that several of my styles help me to be a good leader but now I have a better understanding on what other styles can limit my constructive styles ie, if I have a high affiliative and a high power style then I would desire to have close friendships but try to control and dominate these friendships which will result in a negative relationship. Overall this has been a great tool for my future in management and beter understanding my thinking and behavior process.

Titanic: Death of a Titan :: Expository Essays Research Papers

Titanic: Death of a Titan After years of construction and work, the Titanic was finally ready for her maiden voyage. The beginning of her voyage was to take place on the morning of April 10, of 1912 at approximately 10:00am. The firs of Titanic passengers began to board the ship. Most of these passengers were British residents who had journeyed to Titanic by means of transportation either that a boat train. The real precipitance came when the boat train arrived. People rich or poor were scattered all aver Southampton's bay, attempting to find their gangway. After the second and third class passengers boarded, the firs class passengers were to be escorted to their cabins. Approximately at 12:00pm Titanic was ready to set sail. After Titanic sets out into the open sea, her water displacement causes mooring ropes of the New York, which was a small ship, to brake. Which causes her stern to swing towards Titanic's mighty bow. Titanic official's quick actions prevent a catastrophic collision. After hours delayed th e Titanic finally sets sail into the open sea headed towards Cherbourg, France. The Titanic lowered her anchor when arrived at Cherbourg, France, at about 5:30pm of the same day. More passengers boarded the Titanic. At approximately 8:10pm Titanic raised her anchor and sailed towards Queenstown, Ireland. She arrived at Queenstown at around 11:30am of the next morning to pick up more passengers and 1,385 bags of mail as well. Now Titanic once more raised anchor and by 1:30 she was on her way to New York. It was 11:30pm of the night of April 14, of 1912. As Titanic sped through the darkness towards its doom, the majority of the passengers and crew had not the slightest inkling idea that they were in danger at all. The last games of cards were breaking up. The last conversations were ending. Most passengers were already in bed, but the few who remained, were heading towards their cabins. Though the passengers settled, the officers on the bridge kept a sharp look out for anything in Titanic's path. Ice reports had been sent to the Titanic all day form other ships but Titanic's wireless operators chose to neglect the messages and so Titanic sailed in to history. High up in the crows nest, were lookouts Fleet and Lee. They to kept a sharp look out. Fleet peered into the darkness. He saw an object darker than night it self, coming towards the Titanic.

Cross-National Transfer of Employment Practices in Multinationals

cross-national transfer of employment practices in multinationals Abstract This paper argues for the systematic incorporation of power and interests into analysis of the cross-border transfer of practices within multinational companies (MNCs). Using a broadly Lukesian perspective on power it is argued that the transfer of practices involves different kinds of power capabilities through which MNC actors influence their institutional environment both at the ‘macro-level’ of host institutions and the ‘micro-level’ of the MNC itself.The incorporation of an explicit account of the way power interacts with institutions at different levels, it is suggested, underpins a more convincing account of transfer than is provided by the dominant neoinstitutionalist perspective in international business, and leads to a heuristic model capable of generating proposed patterns of transfer outcomes that may be tested empirically in future research. Keywords multinationals; compa rative & cross-cultural HRM; conflict; international HRM; strategic and international management; organisational theory.Introduction Much has been written about the cross-national transfer of management practices in multinational companies (MNCs). A recent conceptual development is the ‘neoinstitutionalist’ contribution of Kostova and colleagues (Kostova, 1999; Kostova and Roth, 2002; Kostova et al. , 2008). In the international business literature, this approach shows signs of establishing a new intellectual hegemony. 1 Given this salience, critical engagement is essential. The neoinstitutionalist approach to practice transfer in MNCs has provided fundamental insights.It argues that MNCs – or to be more precise, their subsidiaries – operate under conditions of ‘institutional duality’, facing both the institutional terrain of the international firm itself and that of the host environment in which they operate. These institutional spheres exert rival isomorphic pressures which come to the fore when practices are transferred from the parent to host operations. Drawing on Scott’s (2008) institutional pillars, Kostova uses the ‘country institutional profile’ tool to characterize parent- and host-country institutions.This provides the basis for assessing ‘institutional distance’ (ID), the divergence in institutional arrangements between the parent country and host. In general, the greater the ID, the more problematic is transfer; and the harder is the ‘internalization’ of transferred practices, that is, their full assimilation to host employees’ cognitive mindsets and normative frameworks (Kostova, 1999). However, neoinstitutionalist positions on transfer in MNCs suffer from a neglect of ‘old institutionalist’ questions about power, coalitions, interests and competing value systems (e. . Stinchcombe, 1997), despite increasing attention to such questions in broa der neoinstitutionalist theory (e. g. Oliver, 1991; Greenwood and Hinings, 1996; Lawrence, 2008; Lounsbury, 2003; Tempel and Walgenbach, 2007). The key concepts of ‘institutional duality’ and ‘institutional distance’ overlook the ability of actors in MNCs to shape institutions to their needs and thus influence the transfer process. There is little sense of what is ‘at stake’ for actors in the confrontation of cognitive, normative and regulative frameworks that arise when practices are transferred.This paper discusses how the analysis of power can be incorporated into an understanding of cross-institutional practice transfer. It builds on recent work concerning MNCs as political actors (e. g. Belanger and Edwards, 2006; Dorrenbacher and Gammelgaard, 2011; Dorrenbacher and Geppert, 2011; Edwards and Belanger, 2009; Ferner and Edwards, 1995; Ferner and Tempel, 2006; Levy, 2008; Levy and Egan, 2003). It argues that power and interests of actors sha pe transfer through processes that draw on institutional resources both at the ‘macro’ level of the host business system and the ‘micro’ level of the MNC.These processes in turn shape the transformations and adaptations undergone by transferred practices. Power, it is suggested, has to be understood in its institutional context, both in that it is deployed by powerful MNC actors to shape, sustain and activate macro- and micro-level institutions – a process that neoinstitutionalists refer to as ‘institutional work’ (Lawrence and Suddaby, 2006); and in that institutional context provides actors with power capabilities with which to facilitate, block or modify transfer.The cross-national transfer of practices in MNCs is complex, with an array of possible outcomes. Transfer has several dimensions: the degree of adaptation or hybridization of practices; ‘internalization’; functionality; and directionality. The first of these refe rs to the fact that transfer is not an either/or issue; there may be degrees of transfer. The transferred practice may be modified in the course of implementation, or it may be ‘hybridized’, that is, combined with host practices (e. g. Becker-Ritterspach, 2009).Internalization denotes that, even where a practice is transferred in its original form, it may be assimilated to a greater or lesser extent to the working assumptions, cognitive understandings and normative frameworks of subsidiary employees and managers. Functionality refers to the degree to which transferred practices perform the function intended for them by powerful HQ actors, or work in ways that these actors would consider to be unintended or dysfunctional. Finally, directionality indicates that transfer does not occur solely from HQ to subsidiary, but also between subsidiaries themselves, or from subsidiaries to HQ.Thus various outcomes are possible, and one of the principal aims of this paper is to provi de a conceptual framework for understanding how power relations in MNCs influence the outcomes of practice transfer between different institutional ‘domains’. The paper illustrates the argument with empirical examples drawn from human resource and employment practices (HR&EP) in MNCs. The rationale is twofold. First, the cross-national dissemination of such practices is increasingly seen in a knowledge-based global economy as key for international competitive advantage (e. . Lado and Wilson, 1994). Second, however, HR&EP are particularly subject to host institutional influence (e. g. Rosenzweig and Nohria, 1994). Moreover, relations between employers and workforces are characterized by a ‘structured antagonism’ (Edwards, 1986) providing the basis for the ongoing exercise of power and resistance in relation to HR&EP; this structured antagonism is carried into the international sphere, on to the ‘contested terrain’ of the MNC (Belanger and Edward s, 2009). The paper first discusses a conceptualization of power in relation to MNCs.Second, it examines power capabilities and interests of different groups of actors within the MNC, in particular at HQ and subsidiary level. Finally, it marshals the arguments on power, interests and institutions to explore different transfer outcomes. Power and MNCs MNCs are powerful actors, driving economic activity in many sectors and one of the motive forces of ‘globalization’. They are also complex organizations, marked by the dispersion of power among groups, functions and operating units (e. g.Belanger and Edwards, 2009; Dorrenbacher and Geppert, 2011; Ferner and Tempel, 2006). In particular, the respective power of HQ and subsidiaries makes for the negotiation of relationships within the MNC (Ferner and Edwards, 1995). MNC actors manoeuvre among ‘institutional contradictions’ that leave considerable scope for praxis (Geppert and Dorrenbacher, 2011). Transfer can be viewed as a specific instance of HQ–subsidiary relations, in which the power capabilities of actors at each level influence outcomes. How are such capabilities to be conceptualized?This paper builds on a ‘Lukesian’ perspective (Lukes, 1975; 2005) that identifies three dimensions of power. Each may be related to the behaviour of MNC actors in the realm of practice transfer. The first concerns the nature of decisions that are made, and the deployment of resources to affect them. The second relates to conflicts around ‘non-decisions’, reflecting the ability of powerful actors to shape the agenda, exclude or include issues, and determine the processes and rules by which decisions are arrived at.The third concerns the way in which powerful actors exercise domination over others ‘by influencing, shaping or determining [their] very wants’ (Lukes, 1975: 27). As Lukes admits (2005: ch3), the notion of power as domination over other actors who may consent to domination requires the imputation of ‘real interests’ to actors (i. e. interests that are masked by the third dimension of power). Given the difficulties of the undertaking, he argues (p148) that ‘what count as â€Å"real interests† [is] a function of one’s explanatory purpose, framework and methods’.Without wishing to get enmeshed in this debate, we would note that the paper is premised on the notion that interests are constructed by MNC actors in ways that are variable and issue-specific, and the process gives rise to bundles of interests that are complex and not necessarily internally coherent (cf. Lukes, 2005: ch3). There may be a hierarchy of interests, with economic security or survival, for example, being a primary and persisting interest for most actors. Beyond that, interests may be more changeable and context-dependent.Such interests may be collective, emerging, for example, around a particular model of teamworking in a subsidiary that allocates particular roles to different groups of employees, supervisors and managers; or individual, deriving notably from personal and biographical considerations to do with career paths and aspirations within the MNC, rather than from organizational or group affiliations (see e. g. Dorrenbacher and Geppert, 2009a). Hardy (1996) has applied a Lukesian model to a business context, and her terminology is adopted here.She labels the first dimension ‘the power of resources’, which concerns power derived from the control of scarce resources, such as hiring and firing, rewards and sanctions, and expertise, in order to influence behaviour in the face of opposition. The second, ‘the power of processes’, resides in ‘organizational decision making processes which incorporate a variety of procedures and political routines that can be invoked by dominant groups to influence outcomes by preventing subordinates from participating fully in decision making’ (p7); equally, new groups may be brought, or force their way, into decision-making processes.The third dimension is labelled ‘the power of meaning’; Hardy explores the way in which organizational groups legitimize their own demands and ‘delegitimize’ those of others through the management of meaning and the deployment of symbolic actions. As a result, H actors may be impeded from exercising agency. As Levy argues (2008; also Levy and Egan, 2003), the control of meaning has important linkages with the Gramscian concept of ‘hegemony’ (Gramsci, 1971), emphasizing that the control of meaning, or the ‘discursive realm’, relates to power relations in the real economic and technological realms.In other words, in the case of MNCs, the power of meaning is built upon the resource power that derives from the primary economic activity of the firm and its constituent parts. This third dimension of power also provides a crucial l ink with neoinstitutionalist analysis, by illuminating in particular how the cognitive and normative ‘pillars’ (Scott, 2008) of institutional arrangements embody power relations and serve the interests of powerful actors, and how such pillars may be susceptible to contestation rather than being seen as external givens.While all three dimensions of power are important for an understanding of cross-institutional transfer, the power of meaning is especially crucial. When institutionalized practices are transferred cross-nationally, this hidden dimension is rendered ‘visible’ (Ferner et al. , 2005) by the collision of two sets of institutional rationalities. Transfer thus creates an important condition for the exercise of agency: that actors become conscious of taken-for-granted institutional processes (e. . Clemens and Cook, 1999; Seo and Creed, 2002). In short, transfer leads to potential conflicts of institutional rationality that are resolved through the de ployment of power capabilities. For example, individual performance appraisal and reward is a norm taken for granted and generally regarded as legitimate in ‘liberal market economies’. Even if disliked, it can only be legitimately challenged on grounds of its failure to achieve its performance-enhancing functions.But cross-institutional transfer allows the shared norms to be laid bare and challenged on grounds of alternative normative frameworks, emphasizing (for example) social equity, solidarity and fairness (e. g. Liberman and Torbiorn, 2000). MNC actors in situations of transfer: Power capabilities and organizational interests To understand transfer outcomes in the context of power relations, two questions must be addressed. First, what power capabilities do actors in MNCs possess?As an initial approximation, we explore the power capabilities of actors at HQ compared with those of the subsidiary. This reflects the thrust of arguments (e. g. Geppert and Dorrenbacher, 2011; Kristensen and Zeitlin, 2005; Morgan and Kristensen, 2006) that the relationship between the HQ and subsidiary constitute a primary axis of power relations within MNCs. Second, what interests are constructed or present in relation to transferred practices? The answer to this question requires a more nuanced analysis of actors at HQ and subsidiary level.It determines whether, given respective power capabilities, the subsidiary acts as part of a monolithic MNC bloc vis-a-vis host institutions, seeking ways of overcoming institutional constraints; or opposes HQ’s efforts to transfer. Also possible is some complex configuration of interests where some groups in the subsidiary support transfer, while others oppose it (and the same may be true of HQ actors). In other words, interests determine how power capabilities are deployed in relation to transfer.We first explore the power capabilities of MNCs as unitary entities with common organizational interests (Morgan, 2011) vis- a-vis the macro-institutional settings in which they operate. We then relax the assumption of unity and analyse separately the capabilities of HQ and subsidiary actors. Finally we examine the array of interests that are likely to be constructed around HR&EP practice transfer. The power of MNCs to shape macro-institutional settings The Kostovian approach to transfer neglects the power of MNCs to shape macro-institutional settings on two key counts.The first concerns the broader systemic context within which institutional duality is played out. Smith and Meiksins (1995) argue that the underlying global dynamics of capitalist development create ‘system effects’ that may be distinguished from institutional variations, or ‘societal effects’. The global economic system, and the associated concepts of ‘globalization’, the world market, competition, and so on, are themselves the highly institutionalized outcome of the active agency (e. g. Campbell, 200 4: ch. 5) of powerful actors, including states, supranational bodies and MNCs (e. g. Djelic and Quack, 2003; Levy and Egan, 2003).As Morgan (2011; also Sklair, 2001) argues, an emerging global managerial elite has assumed an important role in international standard-setting and transnational institution building. MNCs have played an important role in building this context. Sell (2000), for example, shows the role of US multinationals in shaping the rules of international commerce on TRIPS (Trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights) and GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services) (see also Djelic and Quack, 2003). The interrelationship between the global system and national institutional spaces has implications for transfer.In particular, the world economic system is hierarchically structured by the power of national actors (Smith and Meiksins, 1995). ‘Dominance effects’ allude to the influence of practices developed in leading economies, sectors or firms. T hey influence all three dimensions of power. MNCs from dominant business systems have greater resource power by virtue of their economic success. They have power over processes that facilitates transfer. Such power can be at a systemic level through their ability to shape the decision-making rules governing international economic activity.It can also be more immediate, for example through the concentrated presence of MNCs from a dominant economy in a host country, as in the case of the dense networks of US subsidiaries in the UK or Ireland. This presence creates a stratum of organizations familiar with parent-country practices, and a pool of employees and managers with appropriate cognitive and normative expertise. Dominance also shapes systems of meaning as the dominant power becomes ‘hegemonic’. On the one hand, it creates a presumption by actors from dominant countries and firms that their practices have superior efficacy, providing a motive for transfer.On the other , this view may be shared by actors in the host, including policy-makers, subsidiary managers and workforces, and hence increase receptiveness to transfer. Thus transfer is smoothed because practices are accorded legitimacy by a wide range of MNC actors and are regarded as global ‘best practices’ (e. g. Pudelko and Harzing, 2007). One may therefore expect that where the transferred practice derives from a parent country that is dominant vis-a-vis the host, the inhibiting effect of ID on transfer will be reduced. Dominance effects evolve.One illustration of this is that the dominant position of US carmakers in the period immediately after the Second World War had been lost by the 1970s and 1980s, with Japanese firms assuming dominant status. Indeed, the Japanese economy as a whole achieved a dominant position in the 1980s, albeit briefly; with Japan’s ‘Lost Decade’ and major corporate bankruptcies, the US regained a position of dominance, although the conditions that underpinned this renewed dominance, such as easy access to cheap capital, also proved transient (Schwartz, 2009), illustrating the dynamic nature of dominance effects.Dominance, moreover, is felt at sectoral level as well as at the level of business systems as a whole. As the above discussion implies, American MNCs should not be seen as dominant across all sectors. The point that national institutional configurations provide conducive conditions for firms to flourish in some sectors but not in others is central to the ‘varieties of capitalism’ literature (Hall and Soskice, 2001) and also has a long history in economics through the theory of comparative advantage.The success of US MNCs in sectors like IT and pharmaceuticals, together with the relative decline of American firms in sectors like consumer durables and automotives, confirms this. In short, dominance effects, even of the hegemonic economic power, are likely to be particularly strong in the sec tors in which it has a competitive advantage, and weaker or absent in others. Secondly, Kostova and colleagues neglect that MNCs as powerful organizations commonly act as ‘rule-makers’ as well as ‘rule-takers’ (Streeck and Thelen, 2005) vis-a-vis host institutional contexts. Rule-makers’ are actors involved in ‘setting and modifying in conflict and competition, the rules with which [rule-takers] are expected to comply’ (p13). MNCs routinely engage in what Oliver (1991) calls ‘manipulation’ of institutional settings, exerting direct pressures on the sphere of policy-making (e. g. DeVos, 1981, on attempts by US MNCs in Germany to influence reform of codetermination legislation). Sometimes such pressure and rule-making is ‘passive’: in other words, host actors adapt institutional rules to what they see as the preferences of MNCs, without active intervention by the latter.An example is the move by the Irish authorit ies in the 1980s away from the previous policy of encouraging incoming MNCs to adopt post-entry closed shop union agreements and to bargain collectively; the change reflected the desire of policy-makers to promote rules they considered attractive to a new wave of largely US direct investors in sectors such as pharmaceuticals, electronics and IT where such provisions were seen as hampering investment (Gunnigle et al. , 2006). Moreover, MNCs may shape institutions in more bottom-up fashion through their distinctive practice (e. g. Djelic and Quack, 2003).Thus the scope for macro-institutional manoeuvre may exist even in highly-regulated institutional settings such as Germany. MNCs have been able to find space (e. g. Singe and Croucher, 2005; Tempel et al. , 2006) by exploiting weaknesses in formal institutions such as works councils that are quite heterogeneous in their operations (Kotthoff, 1994); and as Streeck and Thelen (2005: 14) argue, there is always ‘a gap between the id eal pattern of a rule and the real pattern of life under it’; thus the rules of codetermination in Germany are characterized by deep ambiguities reflecting the conditions under which they had been drawn up.MNCs’ power to shape processes and structures through which decisions are made is seen in their ability to engage in what Streeck and Thelen (2005) call institutional ‘layering’ and ‘conversion’, whereby existing structures are bypassed, or subtly changed in function. Singe and Croucher (2005) in their synthesis of research on US firms in Germany suggest these firms adopted a dichotomous approach of formal compliance combined with ‘content avoidance’ towards codetermination institutions, deploying power resources to ‘colonize’ works ouncils and exert ‘high levels of pressure on works councillors to divorce themselves from unions’ (p134). US subsidiaries have moved between bargaining jurisdictions to lev erage distinctions in how these operate; in one such firm, the German subsidiary’s deft institutional manoeuvring allowed it to be the first subsidiary in Europe to implement the MNC’s global variable pay model (Tempel et al. , 2006). Even where regulative systems potentially constrain action, regulations need to be invoked and enforced. In Germany or Spain, works-council-style representation has to be triggered by the workforce.There is thus a terrain of action for management to deploy power to avoid macro-institutional coercive pressures. Managers can use power over resources to raise the costs for the workforce of invoking statutory rights; thus the Spanish subsidiary of a US MNC threatened to offer only minimum statutory redundancy pay if the workforce activated its right to union representation during the redundancy process (Colling et al. , 2006). Therefore, actors are involved in a process of deploying power capabilities more or less creatively on a particular i nstitutional terrain.MNCs are able to engage in ‘institutional arbitrage’ (Morgan et al. , 2003), manoeuvring between institutional variations within a given host setting, assembling and reassembling institutional elements in a process of ‘bricolage’ to create new variants. In sectors most exposed to global competition, such as finance and business services (Morgan, 2009), or in periods of institutional instability, MNCs may have greater freedom to create innovative institutional arrangements within the dominant host framework, leading to what Thelen (2009) calls the ‘segmentation’ of business systems.The ability of powerful ‘institutional entrepreneurs’, including MNCs, to shape institutional settings is a key factor in a current strand of comparative institutionalism that questions the monolithic character of national-institutional configurations and emphasizes internal heterogeneity (e. g. Almond, 2011; Crouch et al. , 2009; Lan e and Wood, 2009; Saka, 2002). For Crouch (2005; Crouch et al. , 2009) intra-model variety is the norm rather than an anomaly, hence firms may be less bound by national constraints than much theory suggests.In practice, institutional elements are more ‘loose-coupled’, and the national model less determinant. Heterogeneity has substantial implications for the Kostovian concepts of institutional distance and ‘country’ institutional profile. While multiplicity in institutional settings has been discussed by neoinstitutionalists (e. g. Clemens and Cook, 1999; Delmestri, 2009; Oliver, 1991) and is acknowledged by Kostova et al. (2008: 997), the implications for transfer have not been thoroughly assimilated (cf. Phillips et al. , 2009).Chief among them is that MNCs’ rule-making capacity within institutional configurations may facilitate the transfer of practices – even to institutionally ‘distant’ hosts. The overall ‘country insti tutional profile’ may not be the appropriate level of analysis, and more fine-grained examination of local host arrangements may be needed. An alternative instrument, based on constructing the institutional profile of the subnational variant, would seem to offer a conceptual way forward, although practical problems may be foreseen of access to adequate subnational data on institutional arrangements.Power capabilities of MNC actors Turning now to classify the power capabilities2 of MNC actors in situations of transfer, these capabilities may be derived from the micro-institutional domain of the MNC itself, or from macro-institutional arrangements in the host (and beyond). Crucially, MNCs may use power to shape macro-level institutions, affecting the processes whereby they are established, maintained over time, revised in function or scope, or replaced by other arrangements (e. g. Knight, 1992; Lawrence, 2008; Lawrence and Suddaby, 2006). Agency is not confined to HQ policy-mak ers.Actors in the subsidiary have their own sources of power. Where power capabilities of different kinds are disseminated across organizational levels, groups and individuals within a MNC, pressures to adopt transferred practices are susceptible to deflection, avoidance, negotiation or challenge by subordinate actors (cf. Oliver, 1991). In order to predict transfer outcomes, it is therefore necessary to assess the balance of capabilities between the centre and the subsidiary (Dorrenbacher and Geppert, 2009b). However, while there has been much discussion of the decentred or ‘networked’ nature of contemporary MNCs (e. . Andersson and Holm, 2010) an authoritative central HQ remains the norm. As Egelhoff (2010) argues, network structures provide inadequate ‘vertical specialization’, which is required to perform functions such as providing accountability to shareholders and imposing ‘tight-coupled’ coordination on units where careful synchronizati on of operations is required. Thus, the overall power of HQ positions it as a ‘field dominant’ (e. g. Levy, 2008) in relation to the organizational field constituted by the MNC. The power capabilities of headquarters actors.HQ actors have specific capabilities relating to each of the dimensions of power. The first aspect of HQ micro-institutional power is control of the allocation among subsidiaries of key organizational resources, such as finance, investment, and knowledge and expertise, through budgeting and management control processes. Decisions over resource allocation have critical impacts on the economic security and survival of subsidiaries. HQ also controls career opportunities and rewards of key subsidiary actors; recalcitrance may jeopardize remuneration or career advancement, particularly where aspirations are international (e. . Dorrenbacher and Geppert, 2009a). However, as discussed below, power resources are unlikely to be monopolized by HQ. Moreover, the ‘big guns’ at HQ’s disposal, such as the threat of closure or investment allocation, may be disproportionate weapons for resolving ‘downstream’ conflicts over the transfer of HR practices; and the threat of closure may be unavailable if an MNC’s investment is ‘market-seeking’ or ‘resource-seeking’, rather than ‘efficiency-seeking’. If a subsidiary is performing well economically, it is less likely to be penalized for not adopting transferred HR practices.Conversely, poorly-performing subsidiaries are more vulnerable to pressure from HQ to conform (e. g. Tempel et al. , 2006). Thus there is considerable scope for HQ–subsidiary negotiation (cf. Ferner and Edwards, 1995). Turning, second, to power of processes, within the MNC there is a transnational authority structure that legitimates the exercise of power by hierarchically senior actors (units, groups, individuals, etc. ). Formal hierarchical auth ority shapes the way decisions are made and resources allocated within the firm (cf.Hardy, 1996). HQ’s role as apex of the authority structure gives it the power to determine mechanisms for transferring practices to subsidiaries abroad. In particular, it can specify which actors at which level are able to intervene in decisions, for example on the introduction of a new global HR policy. Decision-making rules frame how practices are codified into policy and transferred to subsidiaries. Generally, HQ can define formal policies for subsidiaries with a prima facie expectation that subsidiaries comply.It can impose enforcement and monitoring mechanisms and benchmark practice across subsidiaries, facilitating transfer. Finally, HQ has power over meaning. It can influence cognitive and normative aspects of the micro-institutional frame of action by shaping corporate cultures, codes of practice and standard operating procedures, which then become institutionalized. This ‘third face’ of power helps shape the mindsets of those in subsidiaries whose job it is to implement transferred policy.Research suggests that formal policies need shared understandings in order to function effectively (Ferner, 2000). HQ actors control the creation of ‘legitimatory rhetorics’ (Suddaby and Greenwood, 2005) concerning, for instance, ‘competitive advantage’, profitability, or site closures (Erkama and Vaara, 2010). This is important where there is ‘causal ambiguity’ about the impact of a transferred practice in the subsidiary (Szulanski, 1996), which may be the case particularly for ‘downstream’ activities such as HR (Boxall and Purcell, 2011).HQ actors can also shape meaning systems in subsidiaries by, for example, recruiting key host individuals whose mindsets are less typical of host norms and more in tune with organizational norms (Evans and Lorange, 1989); this allows them to bypass barriers to ‘internaliza tion’ and helps create alternative micro-institutional settings within the host institutional context. The power capabilities of subsidiary actors Subsidiary actors have the capacity to challenge transfer and protect host institutional arrangements.There has been much work in recent years conceptualizing subsidiaries as active strategizers within the wider MNC (e. g. Belanger et al. , 1999; Bouquet and Birkinshaw, 2008; Dorrenbacher and Geppert, 2009b; Dorrenbacher and Gammelgaard, 2011; Kristensen and Zeitlin, 2005; Morgan and Kristensen, 2006), rather than passive transmission belts for HQ policies and practices. The ability to strategize depends on power capabilities stemming from both the micro-level of the MNC and the macro-level of the host institutional environment.Considering first the micro-political power of subsidiary actors, subsidiaries may achieve power over resources from the competent performance of their productive activities (e. g. Andersson and Forsgren, 19 96). For example, they may generate a substantial proportion of the MNC’s profit,3 offer access to key markets, create competitively significant knowledge or expertise, or perform functions that are critical to the success of the firm’s value chain (Dorrenbacher and Gammelgaard, 2011). Possession of resources allows subsidiaries to negotiate to some degree its relationship with HQ.Power over processes is primarily the province of HQ and the hierarchical authority structure, but not exclusively so. Subsidiaries may use their bargaining power deriving from control of resources to achieve a modification of decision-making processes, with an impact on transfers. For example, in a US engineering firm, HR managers from subsidiaries generating a large proportion of global revenue won a revision of the policy-making process that accorded them a greater role in the definition of global HR policies (Edwards, T. et al. , 2007).In terms of transfer, the exercise of process power i s likely to result in policies that are more sensitive to host institutions, and hence more easily transferable. HQ is also likely to dominate power over meaning, yet subsidiaries again may have some influence at least to contest dominant systems of meaning within the organization. The transfer of practices and their associated meaning systems across institutional spaces makes visible taken-for-granted normative and cognitive frameworks and hence renders them susceptible to purposive action.One example is the transfer of workforce diversity policies to the UK subsidiaries of US MNCs. Transfer exposed underlying discourses concerning the ‘business case’ and ‘equal employment opportunities’, through the collision of very different diversity rationalities in the US and the UK (Ferner et al. , 2005). Another instance is an attempt by an American business services firm to implement a global performance-related pay scheme for professional consultant staff in the German subsidiary.These employees strongly opposed the new system which clashed with normative frameworks of fairness and was seen as leading to culturally unacceptable pay differentials (Almond et al. , 2006: 138-9). MNC’s micro-institutions are beset with ambiguities, complexities and inconsistencies, particularly when applied to real choices in a complex business world. These give actors room for idiosyncratic interpretation of norms and rules. Even if subsidiaries do not have the power to shape micro-institutional frameworks of meaning, they can selectively respond to ifferent parts of a complex configuration. In short, rival micro-institutional norms provide alternative rhetorics legitimating – or de-legitimating – particular courses of action (Suddaby and Greenwood, 2005). Within the HR function, whose activities are largely ‘downstream’, one source of ambiguity is that they may be only partially ‘nested’ within ‘upstreamâ⠂¬â„¢ strategic objectives related to competition, profitability and growth. In other words, they may have ‘relative autonomy’. HR&EP norms may be at odds with upstream norms concerning economic performance, and can be deflected on that basis.Where transferred HR practices are seen as disrupting existing relationships or practices regarded as functional for subsidiary performance, subsidiary actors may deploy what Suddaby and Greenwood (2005) term ‘ontological rhetorics’ asserting the existential incompatibility of economic goals and transferred HR practices. Even within the HR domain, there may be contradictions within highly complex normative frameworks; for example, between principles of pay determination and approaches to union recognition.Thus UK subsidiary managers in one US MNC resisted a global pay freeze on the grounds that it conflicted with a competing corporate norm of favouring non-union employee relations (Almond and Ferner, 2006). In short, s ubsidiary actors can exploit rival appeals to legitimacy within the MNC, and are likely to do so when they oppose transfer. Turning to macro-institutional resources, subsidiary actors derive power capabilities from their status as skilled negotiators of the host institutional context, both of the overarching national-institutional framework, and the subnational niches and variants in which they are located.Where the subsidiary operates essentially as the willing local agent of the wider MNC, these powers may be used to promote transfer. However, where conflicts of interest exist between subsidiary and HQ, the same capacities may be used to block or amend transferred practices. First, subsidiaries derive power resources from the ‘institutional complementarities’ (Hall and Soskice, 2001) of the host business system that generate certain competitive advantages.Given the increasing importance of intra-model variants, subsidiaries’ local embeddedness is often crucial for the generation of resources such as scarce knowledge and expertise of value to the economic activity of the MNC, and that the MNC cannot otherwise access (Andersson and Forsgren, 1996; Dorrenbacher, and Gammelgaard, 2010; Sorge and Rothe, 2011). Almond (2011) points to the significance of locally embedded ‘flexible high-skills ecosystems’ that drive innovation and provide actors with power resources for shaping practice transfer.Second, the regulatory framework of the host gives subsidiary actors some purchase over the ‘power of process’ by exerting coercive isomorphic pressures, for example in employment relations and the workings of the labour market. Thus German codetermination legislation gives employees rights to representation on company supervisory boards, and to set up works councils with statutory rights over a range of work-related issues. Changes to payment systems resulting from transferred pay and performance practices are subject to codete rmination.Even where the MNC deploys resources to mitigate this loss of process control (see above), it nonetheless increases the costs for MNCs of shaping decisions, and necessitates some degree of negotiation with local actors and/or the application of power resources. Thus the power of process provides subsidiary actors with a capability to resist practice transfer. Third, subsidiary actors are able to exploit host institutional settings to challenge dominant actors’ power of meaning in the MNC.In particular, significant macro-institutional capabilities derive from subsidiary actors’ competence as skilled interpreters of the host institutional frame. In other words, they can shape the normative and cognitive understandings of what is possible, desirable and contextually rational. Even the most highly regulated and juridified systems leave spaces for interpretation based on expert institutional knowledge. More subtle and tacit cognitive and normative elements of inst itutional frameworks are even more subject to insider exegesis.While subsidiary actors may use such institutional expertise to further transfer, in situations of interest conflict with HQ, they may equally draw on such capabilities to construct a rhetoric legitimating opposition to transfer. Naturally, subsidiary actors’ interpretations of the viability of transfer are liable to challenge and counter-interpretation, notably by expatriate managers, and sceptical HQ actors may demand that local managers’ claims be thoroughly tested. This may especially be the case where dominance effects are present, notably in US MNCs which may have a strong presumption of the efficacy of HQ practices (e. . Almond et al. , 2006; Tempel et al. , 2006). Again, therefore, the host institutional context provides a ‘contested terrain’ (cf. Edwards and Belanger, 2009; also Geppert and Dorrenbacher, 2011), in which interest groups at different levels within the MNC struggle to fur ther their agendas. A final point concerning the power capabilities of subsidiary actors is that their ‘issue-scope’ of power (Lukes, 2005: 74-5) – the range of issues over which an actor can determine outcomes – is likely to be limited because of the overall power of HQ.As a result subsidiaries are likely to have to prioritize the issues over which they expend capabilities that are scarce relative to those of HQ actors. Moreover, their power is likely (again using Lukes’ terminology) to have a lower ‘contextual range’, to be largely restricted to the specific institutional setting in which they operate; whereas that of HQ is likely to be more ‘context-transcending’, deployable under a wider range of circumstances, especially where dominance effects come into play.A possible exception to this is where the subsidiary is located in a host that is more ‘dominant’ in the global economy than is the MNC’s coun try of origin. This may provide greater context-transcending capacity to the subsidiary, leading for example to additional possible transfer outcomes such as ‘reverse diffusion’ (Edwards and Ferner, 2004) in which practices are transferred from subsidiary to HQ. These arguments are summarized in Table 1. [Table 1 about here] MNC actors and interests in the context of HR&EP transferWe are now in a position to examine HQ and subsidiary interests in relation to transfer. Together with the power capacities of HQ and subsidiary explored above, the constellation of interests will determine the ‘stance’ of subsidiary actors towards transferred practices. Who are the relevant MNC actors in situations of institutional duality and transfer? A first approximation is to divide actors into those associated with the headquarters perspective and those in the subsidiary.In reality, finer-grained distinctions may become necessary to include for example actors at regional or business-unit headquarters with interests and power capabilities distinguishable both from those of corporate headquarters and national subsidiaries. Moreover, HQ is not a homogeneous block but comprises different groupings (e. g. by management function and level) with potentially different interests in relation to transfer. At subsidiary level, a core distinction is between managers and workforce (Edwards and Belanger, 2009).There may be both common and divergent interests. Managers and workforce may both have an interest in the site’s survival, for example. In contrast, particularly where the impact of a transferred practice on the site’s performance is ambiguous or contested, interests may diverge. Depending on the practice, further disaggregation may be appropriate; for example, subsidiary operations managers may see the transfer of practices such as teamworking as useful for efficiency while HR managers may oppose transfer on the grounds that they disrupt existin g accommodation with employees.An important distinction is between managers whose career ambit lies within the host country and those whose careers trajectories and aspirations are international in scope (Dorrenbacher and Geppert, 2009a; Morgan and Kristensen, 2006). The former may engage in ‘subversive strategizing’ (Kristensen and Zeitlin, 2005), acting counter to HQ norms and prescriptions in order to strengthen the effectiveness of the subsidiary; while the latter may have less stake in the site’s survival, and see it as in their career interest to overcome local obstacles to transfer.Nor is the subsidiary workforce necessarily homogeneous. There may be differences of interest between high-skilled workers with core competences and lower-skilled workers with more generic competences, and transferred practices may differentially impact on such interests. Whether subsidiary actors deploy capabilities to resist or promote transfer will depend on how the practices affect existing interests. Resistance or contestation is likely to emerge under conditions of ‘criticality’, that is where the issue is seen as critical to the interests of actors in the subsidiary.For example, resistance may be expected where a transferred practice embodies institutional norms or requirements that disrupt accommodations seen as vital to the effective conduct of the economic function of the subsidiary, and hence to the economic security, rewards and career interests of groups and individual actors in the subsidiary. Where a transferred practice disrupts workforce interests but not those of managers (or vice versa), there is likely to be an ‘internalization’ of the clash of rationalities within the host.In the area of HR&EP, it is more likely that interests in the subsidiary will be differentiated, with say employees and their representatives resisting transfer, while managers promote it. This may be manifested in management–workforc e conflict, or as Tempel et al. (2006) suggest, subsidiary managers may function as a ‘Trojan horse’ for imported practices such as global performance management systems, working to neutralize institutional obstacles. Transferred practices may selectively disrupt interests of particular management groups, or particular workforce groups, or both.In such cases coalitions of support for and opposition to transfer may be complex and cut across the management–workforce divide. However, where transfer disrupts a wide range of subsidiary interests, a subsidiary-wide oppositional coalition may emerge. Power, institutions and transfer outcomes These arguments are now synthesized into a model of transfer outcomes, in which constellations of institutional distance, macro- and micro-level power capabilities, and actors’ interests determine the fate of transferred practices.We argue, first, that there is a need to revise the Kostovian idea (e. g. Kostova, 1999) that MN Cs operate between fairly fixed institutional entities, as implied by the notion of ‘institutional distance’. The impact of ID upon transfer is modified by the power of MNCs in two ways. In the first place, dominance effects, where they exist, smooth transfer by providing MNCs with abundant power over resources, power of process over the rules of the game, and power to manage meaning by reducing normative opposition to dominant-country practices in the host.In the second place, the power of MNCs as active rule-makers, engaging in ‘institutional work’ to construct institutional variants or niches within the host setting, mitigates the constraining impact of institutional distance. In order to incorporate these considerations, we therefore propose that Kostova’s notion of institutional distance, which we refer to as ‘raw’ ID, be replaced by the concept of modified ID, (mID). Here, the predictions of our framework are significantly differen t from those of Kostova’s.Second, transfer outcomes depend on the specific configuration of power capabilities and interests of actors at different levels of the MNC. Where interests of subsidiary and HQ actors are broadly concordant, the power capabilities of the subsidiary are likely to be deployed in a manner supportive of transfer, for example by removing or circumventing host institutional obstacles to transfer. However, where there are strong interests within the subsidiary in conflict with those of HQ, the outcome is likely to be an oppositional stance.This does not necessarily entail overt resistance (cf. Oliver, 1991). Power capabilities may be deployed to resist, modify, neutralize, or ‘quarantine’ the transferred practice through ritual observance that does not affect real practice. Which of these oppositional outcomes occurs is likely to depend on the homogeneity of interests within the subsidiary, and the power capabilities of the subsidiary (or at l east of oppositional actors) relative to those of HQ.An outcome of ceremonial compliance in which nonconformity is masked by a ‘facade of acquiescence’ (Oliver, 1991: 154) is likely where opposition is high due to a collision of normative/cognitive frameworks (e. g. concerning what will promote unit profitability in the subsidiary), but where subsidiary actors’ control of resources and/or processes is relatively low, precluding overt resistance. Alternatively, opposition may lead to adaptation or ‘hybridization’ (e. g. Becker-Ritterspach, 2009; Szulanski and Jensen, 2006) in which the practice acquires elements characteristic of the host setting.In some cases, this may make a practice more effective within the host, or allow it to be internalized by subsidiary employees. Survey evidence suggests that it is common for MNCs to disseminate practices by means of broad framework policies, with local adaptation being expected in HR&EP areas such as perform ance management, variable pay, and employee involvement (Edwards, P. et al. , 2007). This may be termed ‘functional hybridization’. In other cases hybridization may divert a practice from its normal function and hence subvert HQ’s intention.For example, a supposedly standardized employee performance appraisal system in a US MNC operated with major variations in practice: thus in the German subsidiary the works council was able to reject individual assessment, minimize quantification, and reduce the scheme to occasional informal, unrecorded evaluations (Liberman and Torbiorn, 2000). Such ‘resistive hybridization’ is likely where transfer disrupts internal accommodations and/or is seen as dysfunctional for subsidiary performance, and where subsidiary actors have sufficient power capabilities, such as interpretive control of local meaning frames.Third, the three ‘dimensions’ of power are likely to affect transfer outcomes in different ways, other things being equal. Where a subsidiary has significant power of resources, this is likely to facilitate a bargaining process in which the terms of entry of a transferred practice are negotiated between subsidiary and HQ. Where a subsidiary has significant power of process, it may use it to influence how global policies or practices are designed within the MNC, for example by contributing to central policy-making bodies.This provides it with the opportunity to ensure that the transferred practice is from the start compatible with the cognitive/normative (or indeed regulatory) frames of the host. Finally, a subsidiary may be skilled in the management of meaning, whether in highlighting – or concealing – normative/cognitive discrepancies provoked by the transfer of a practice, or by mobilizing appropriate legitimatory discourses within the micro-institutional sphere of the MNC. This power may affect transfer outcomes in different ways.Where the subsidiary’s stance is oppositional, it may evoke host macro-institutional impediments, drawing on its skilled interpretation of ‘institutions-in-practice’. Equally, where its other power capabilities are relatively weak, it may use its skills in managing meaning to construct the ‘ceremonial’ aspects of the practice without impinging on the subsidiary’s core activity. Where the subsidiary’s stance is supportive of transfer, the power of meaning may be brought to bear to secure the ‘internalization’ (Kostova, 1999) of transferred practices.Returning to the outcome parameters outlined in the introduction, we can synthesize the above arguments (see table 2) in terms of typical scenarios, based on differentiation of functionality, internalization, adaptation and directionality. The table indicates that the conditions most conducive for successful transfer in which functional practices are internalized are where: HQ actively wants to transfer pract ices, ID is low, dominance effects are high, institutional space is high, HQ’s power capabilities are relatively strong, HQ and subsidiary interests are concordant and the interests of subsidiary actors are homogeneous (model 1).To take a stylized example, a US business services firm – i. e. an MNC from the hegemonic business system, in a sector in which that business system is internationally dominant – transfers a performance appraisal system to its professional employees in its non-unionized Irish subsidiary as part of the global dissemination of standardized HR policies. Many of the employees have worked for American firms before – US MNCs predominate among foreign employers in Ireland – and have studied or worked in the US.Their cognitive/normative frames are attuned to American performance-management systems, especially since there is a strong values-based corporate culture, and there are unlikely to be discordant interests with regards to th e policy, so the practice is likely to be easily ‘internalized’. There are few macro-institutional constraints to the introduction of such policies and few variant constraints stemming e. g. from the presence of trade unions. This can be contrasted with five other scenarios.As ID increases and capabilities, particularly resources, controlled by the subsidiary grow, the prospect of transfer taking the form of functional hybridization increases (model 2). To illustrate, a US electronics MNC attempts to transfer a performance-related pay system to the more constrained and institutionally distant context of Germany. 4 There is a perceived disjunction between the policy and cognitive/normative frames of employees, i. e. the cross-institutional transfer reveals the cognitive/normative underpinnings of the system.The subsidiary is large, successful and powerful, giving it power over resources with which to negotiate with HQ a modification of the practice – for example, by reducing the amount of pay at risk, to make it more acceptable within the host context (e. g. Tempel et al. , 2006). Where dominance effects weaken, institutional space is more constrained, the subsidiary possesses significant power of resources and process relative to HQ, and has divergent interests from HQ, then the likelihood of resistive hybridization and low internalization rises (model 3).For example, Lindholm et al. (1999) show how performance appraisal systems in Nordic MNCs in China were subverted because the systems provoked extensive clashes with cognitive/normative frames, e. g. with regards to the priority given to performance rather than seniority, and issues around loss of face and around managerial authority in setting targets. If dominance effects are absent, ID is high, and subsidiary interests clash with HQ’s, transfer may fail altogether (model 4).To illustrate, a British MNC seeks to internationalize a policy of outsourcing support functions to reduce labour costs. It pressurizes foreign subsidiaries where the ratio of outsourced workers to internal employees is significantly lower than in UK domestic operations. This is the case in the German subsidiary, one of the largest in the company and with important production facilities for key products.Subsidiary managers are sceptical as to the efficiency of outsourcing and the HR manager uses his detailed knowledge of German employment law to circumvent the need to outsource functions (e. g. Tempel, 2002). Where institutional space is moderate, the subsidiary is not particularly powerful (in resource or process terms) in relation to HQ, and has quite different interests to actors at HQ, the prospects for ceremonial adoption are at their highest (model 5). To take a stylized example, a British MNC attempts to internationalize its comprehensive diversity management practices.In its medium-sized production facilities in Germany, there is considerable scepticism among managers and primari ly male employees as to the business case for diversity management. Lacking power of resources or process to openly block HQ practices, managers go through the motions of introducing diversity management measures, for example by organizing social events under the label of diversity management, but do not implement real changes in recruitment processes to encourage more female applicants or introduce diversity awareness training for employees.Finally, where interests are concordant and where the subsidiary’s power capabilities are considerable – especially when its institutional embeddedness allows it to develop scarce resources of value to the wider MNC – conditions exist for ‘reverse transfer’ (model 6). That is to say, practices operating in the subsidiary are transferred to headquarters (Edwards and Ferner, 2004). These conditions are heightened in situations of ‘reverse dominance’, that is where the subsidiary’s host system i s more dominant than the MNC’s parent system.For example, a German chemical company developed a global system of bonus pay for executives that was modelled closely on schemes already developed in the US subsidiary of the company (Ferner and Varul, 2000). These models are not, of course, exhaustive: other outcomes are possible; and the same transfer outcome may be obtained through different combinations of variables. But they illustrate the heuristic value of the approach. It should be noted that a certain degree of interaction of explanatory variables is likely.For example, MNCs from dominant parent countries are likely to be able to influence subnational variety because of their greater capacity for rule-making rather than mere rule-taking behaviour. [Table 2 about here] Conclusion This paper has argued for a revision of the Kostovian approach to practice transfer in MNCs in two key respects: systematically incorporating actors’ power capabilities, and taking account of how power ‘problematizes’ ID by rendering it more susceptible to the purposive action of MNC actors.We have argued for an analysis of power that incorporates both macro-institutional and micro-institutional capabilities of MNC actors in which these are able to a greater or lesser extent to manipulate and construct elements of the institutional settings in which they operate. The implications of the argument are methodological as well as conceptual. First, there is a need to develop credible measures of the variables in the model. The concept of mID implies the need to assess dominance effects, for example, and these will vary according to the pairs of parent and host business systems in play; dominance may also vary e. . by sector. Much work needs to be done on measuring notions such as institutional space, and to map the dimensions that characterize institutional variants. This has to be accomplished at a disaggregated level: notions of ‘country institutional profile’ may be too crude where MNCs’ power allows them to construct niche institutional ‘micro-climates’. One of the most difficult tasks is to operationalize actors’ power capabilities and to empirically assess different levels of capabilities in relation to resource, process and meaning.Moreover, empirical tools capable of identifying and distinguishing interests are needed, a task complicated by the fact that while some underlying interests may be long-term and durable – for example, around organizational survival – others may well be issue-specific, constructed anew around each instance of transfer. These points suggest a critical role for in-depth case studies. They allow deeper exploration both of the process of transfer and of how transferred practices are implemented in the routine life of the subsidiary.They are more suited than surveys to developing nuanced operationalizations and unpicking the complexities of power, how dif ferent kinds of power capabilities are deployed by different actors in the transfer process, and how configurations of interests are constructed around different transfer cases. They are more appropriate for exploring in depth the way transferred practices operate in reality. Finally, there is the question of the generalizability of these arguments to other areas of management activity.Inasmuch as transfer provokes challenges to existing modes of action and to institutional frameworks, much of the same processes of power are likely to be observed in other areas. The cross-national transfer of technical know-how, for example, exposes underlying cognitive assumptions about how the production of knowledge and development of products should be organized (e. g. Lam, 1997; Szulanski and Jensen, 2006). It is also likely to create conflicts of interest over control of knowledge as a resource, or concerns about the impact of transferred knowledge on the structuring of activities and actorsâ €™ roles in the recipient unit.Beyond that, however, HR&EP may have distinctive characteristics, relating partly to the structured antagonisms between capital and labour (Edwards, 1986). More immediately, as a ‘downstream’ business activity, HR&EP is particularly prone to the normative principles that may be at odds with the prescriptions of upstream strategy, increasing the space for actors to exploit micro-institutional ambiguities between, for instance, directives on growth, profitability or efficiency on the one hand, and principles of employee management on the other. Funding statementThis research was supported by funding from the Economic & Social Research Council, grant numbers R000-23-8350 and RES-000-230305. Notes [? ] According to Scopus, the number of citations for three of Kostova’s articles concerning transfer (as at 15th September 2011) are as follows: Kostova, 1999: 321; Kostova and Zaheer, 1999: 329; Kostova and Roth, 2002: 281. 2 The term â €˜capabilities’ is preferred to ‘resources’ since power over resources constitutes only one dimension of power (one that is the focus of resource-based views of power that predominate in the business literature). Perceptions of profitability in an MNC can be shaped